‘SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS’? - The United States, Great Britain and Japan

The fifth seminar in the 2009 series “Changing World Views: International Challenges for the UK and Japan” explored the concept of ‘special relationships’ (first used by Winston Churchill in 1945 to describe the shared interests and values of the United Kingdom and the United States), with respect to the United States, Great Britain and Japan.

 

The UK-US relationship, resting on ‘common values’ such as history and language is, at first glance, more robust than the US-Japan relationship, which has been more consciously cultivated by policymakers rather than having evolved organically.

 

Despite the US relationship being more special for Japan and the UK than the reverse, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s first foray abroad was to Japan and Prime Minister Aso was the first foreign head of state to meet with President Obama. Similarly, in the case of the UK, Prime Minister Gordon Brown was the first European head of state to visit President Obama, underlying the strength of the ties.

 

The props which have underpinned the UK-US relationship are the issues of security, military and economics. The military axis is a deep relationship at planning and practical levels, from the US commanding access to British bases overseas to the close integration of the American National Security Agency and the UK’s Government Communication Headquarters. The economic element, encompassing the idea of the ‘Anglo-Saxon model’ refers to an economic approach different from the European, reflexively more in favour of market competition and free trade.

 

On the other hand, the nature of the US-Japan relationship has evolved considerably over time, from its origin in the aftermath of the Second World War at the time of the American Occupation and Japan’s importance in Asia as a bulwark against the perceived Communist threat. Up until 1975, as Japan recovered politically and economically, the US’s role was nurturing and Japan had access to an American market open to Japanese exports. During the next period, the US perceived Japan as an economic threat and rival while, from 1995 onwards, the focus of the relationship has dwelt on security concerns.

 

The future will bring structural changes to both the US-UK and US-Japan relationships. As the US comes to terms with a multipolar world and as the Obama administration engages with China, Russia and India, the threat of a European superstate has receded, resulting in the loss of the UK’s role as bridge between the US and the European Union. The UK is now more aligned to Europe in terms of energy, climate change and foreign policies and any step back from the EU would be observed by the US with bemusement.

 

In the case of Japan, if the Democratic Party of Japan were to form a government after the next election, this would signal further change. Japan would most probably hope to learn from the way the UK handles its relationship with the US in the European context, hoping to emulate a similar role within the Asian context. In the case of both countries, their roles within the European and Asian continents would be regarded as important by the US.

 

The future of the relationship with the US bodes well for both Japan and the UK. Overall, the US-UK relationship will have to become more special in broader areas including climate change, economic and financial regulation; the security dimension may be harder to keep as the centrepiece. In this complicated and dangerous world, however, countries won’t want to give up or undercut close allies. Though less important than it used to be, it is, in essence, an enduring relationship, intimate and close which Obama is unlikely to want to change.

 

In the case of Japan, as the second largest economy in the world, it is perceived as a country that can help the USA and which does. There is no thought, it seems, of Obama distancing himself from Japan either and Japan will become increasingly important in the Asian context.

 

The Chair, Professor Marie Conte-Helm, thanked the speakers for their incisive analyses which covered swathes of history and present circumstances and remarked on the striking parallels in their presentations.

 

The questions and comments which followed the seminar were lively and covered all manner of issues ranging from discussions on the purpose of the special relationship, the role of the legislature in defining the US-UK relationship, the recent ‘inward’ turn in Japan especially amongst the younger generation who are studying abroad in fewer numbers and the extent of the Japan-UK relationship which was, in conclusion, deemed positive due to

high-level diplomatic interaction and substantial academic and economic exchanges, to name just a few elements.

About the contributors